Outliers - Bazı İnsanlar Neden Başkalarından Daha Başarılı Olur? - Malcolm Gladwell ücretsiz kitap indir

Avicenne Hanna farouk_hana059 — This is my ice cream Bible.

Marc Cooper marccooper — Entertaining, couldn't put it down.

Akansha Agarwal akansha1101a6 — I just don't know... I LOVED the first 100 or so pages and then I just kinda got...welll...bored.

Ann Marie _nn_arie_eaumont — I'd actually give this one 3.5 stars. It was a nice change to read a book written by a male author and from a male's perspective. Personally, I would have liked to see an epilogue. I mean, what happened to everyone's parents? Aunt Mollie - definitely a million times better book than your last few picks!

Rafael Bover behindthepixel — When a Man Loves a Weapon is the third in the Bobbie Faye trilogy and just as wonderful as the first two. Some of my favorite lines of all time occur in these books and in this book, the author gives a wry nod to some author friends. Toni McGee Causey makes me laugh and chew my nails at the same time. The good news is that she added a novella to give fans one more peek at Bobbie Faye, Trevor, Cam, and the other wonderful misfits of the Bobbie Faye world. Bobbie Faye's Whacked Out, No Good, Really Sucky, Hot Mess of a Wedding is found in GUNS & ROSES, the anthology featuring the fantastic authors of the Murder She Writes blog. If you aren't familiar with the wild and wacky Bobbie Faye, read the books. If you need a reason to laugh out loud, read the books. If you love a strong heroine in the mold of the Unsinkable Molly Brown, READ THE BOOKS! Oh, and Trevor is truly swoon-worthy as a hero, ladies.

Leticia Pérez perezcastr5780 — I picked up this book after several recommendations from goodreads users. It's frank, analytical honesty was hard to read sometimes, but I applaud the author for sharing her story.

Mohamed Ramadane ramad02 — Fun, quick read. She self-published and good for her!

Michelle Morean michellemorean — Okay, stop me if i'm wrong. Gramsci is a critic of revolutions, taking an anarchist’s stance in that a state-structure will eventually obfuscate revolutionary goals on the basis of those-in-power's personal interest. He most closely dissects the Russian Revolution as the most recent (and successful) revolution to his time, though thoroughly criticizes Italian government and state as well (he was in their prison, after all). His complaint is that revolutionaries become invested in personal interest once they come to power. The remodeling of state for the specific interests of those in power develops a purely ‘economic-corporate’ economy, with no basis for human need, and Gramsci describes this as ‘the worst kind of feudalism.’ He praises the Jacobins in the 1790s of France for violently quashing any party to be reactionary towards the revolution, including revolutionaries who had seemingly changed. This violent period, where every one and their mother were guillotined gave way to the Napoleonic Wars, because the anarchism got so out of control it elapsed into chaos. To avoid this chaos, he implores cultural identity to be drawn for all classes. He says a nation must be formed nationally before it is deemed international. The growth must be organic and humanistic. Peasants and intellectuals chose their own culture, it grows from them and is accepted as national character: this is the dispersion of hegemony. The basis for Gramsci is the ability of the individual: A proletarian, no matter how intelligent, no matter how fit to become a man of culture, is forced either to squander his qualities on some other activity, or else to become a rebel and autodidact—i.e.(apart from some notable exceptions) a mediocrity, a man who cannot give all he could have given had he been completed and strengthened by the discipline of school. Culture is a privilege. Education is a privilege. And we do not want it to be so. All young people should be equal before culture. Accessibility is key. He believes in the power of contradiction, the dialectical necessity for difference: In life no act remains without consequences, and to believe in one theory rather than another has its own particular impact on action. Even an error leaves traces of itself, to the extent that its acceptance and promulgation can delay( but certainly not prevent) the attainment of an end. And that the ability to impart knowledge and progress comes not from the state’s implementation of culture, but from individual growth. He is a liberal, which by his definition makes him an economist. He believes in individual decisions to govern necessity. The necessity for that freedom: man knows himself, he knows how much his individual will can be worth, and how it can be made more powerful in that, by obeying, by disciplining itself to necessity, it finally dominates necessity itself, identifying it with its own ends. Who knows himself? Not man in general, but he who undergoes the yoke of necessity.